Things of Africa - Rethinking Candomblé in Brazil by Max Bondi (2009).pdf - Magia afrykańska i karaibska - banseno

Max Bondi

Things of Africa: Rethinking Candombl in Brazil

A B S T R A C T

Candombl is the most well known of the Afro-Brazilian religions. The question of the relationship of

Africa to the Afro-Brazilian religions has been the subject of a considerable amount of attention from

anthropology, yet the manner of this relationship has traditionally been seen in terms either historical Î

i.e. Africa simply as the origin of these religions Î or political Î Africa used as a tool for various means

by practitioners of Candombl. A new interpretation of Candombl should be considered; one that

focuses attention on to the question of ritual efficacy and ritual production. Given such an

interpretation, the question of Africa can be cast in a new light. Following an overview of

anthropological approaches to Candombl, including such a new interpretation, existing ethnographic

examples will be analysed in order to examine just what the notion of Africa could entail to the adepts

of Candombl themselves.

A C K N O W L E D G E M E N T S

I wish to thank Martin Holbraad for comments on this paper, and for advice and suggestions

throughout. I am grateful to Reginaldo Prandi and Marcio Goldman for seeing me in Brazil and

suggesting relevant literature, and thanks also to Ricardo Freitas for some helpful suggestions. A

mention must go to Ana Paula Jones who went out of her way to assist me, and who took me to the

terreiro of Inzo Musambu Hongolo Menha, where Me Dango and other filhos-de-santo were helpful

and accommodating. Financial assistance towards the project was provided for by the Masters Bursary

fund in the Anthropology Department of University College London, for whom I am extremely

grateful.

I N T R O D U C T I O N

A major concern of my argument is to analyze human motivation at a radical level Î

one that cuts deeper than the very fashionable clichs about the ÐinterestsÑ of

corporations, political players, classes, Ðcalculating manÑ, and so forth. This does not

mean that I am blissfully and navely unaware that such interests exist, or unconscious

of the practical and ideological force of ÐinterestÑ in the modern world. It means that I

would like to consider such interests as a subset, or surface phenomenon, of more

elemental questions.

Roy Wagner, The Invention of Culture

The argument here developed out of an interest in the Afro-Brazilian religion of Candombl,

and a sense that much of the anthropology of Candombl fails to take account of certain aspects which

are fundamental to the people involved. My interest is in the question of the ongoing relationship with

Africa, and with so-called processes of Africanization. These issues are not exclusive to Brazil, but

reach the other Afro-diasporic sites of Cuba, the United States, and indeed the rest of the Caribbean.

One starting point that I began from is the premise that approaches to this question of Africanization

always begin with predetermined, even prejudiced, interpretations of Candombl practice. Thus I saw,

and still see, the possibility of looking at this question in an alternative manner; as an example of

native concerns.

This argument is a sketch, an outline of a possible alternative, made precisely because this

alternative does not exist. This alternative would rely on a thorough ethnography, albeit one that did

not impose existing assumptions on to the encounter with Candombl. I did not have the time or

Max Bondi

resources for such a project, and hence this paper is not based on direct fieldwork, but instead on

ethnography by other people. This ethnography has been taken as a resource, from which I am

suggesting certain possibilities and avenues to pursue. No apologies are made for the tentative nature

of this sketch, principally because I believe that this demonstrates the need for a future project of

Candombl, one that will begin with the understanding that these are real indigenous concerns, and

should be tackled as such. Eduardo Viveiros de Castro said, Ðthe art of anthropology is the art of

determining the problems posed by each culture, not the art of finding solutions to those problems

posed by our ownÑ (2003: 9). This being the case, it is perhaps time to state in more detail the nature of

the problem(s) - and the culture Î are that I wish to discuss here.

C A N D O M B L , B R A Z I L , A F R I C A

Afro-Brazilian religion is a subject that has occupied the attention of anthropology for well

over a hundred years, back to the early inceptions of the discipline itself. The early social scientists of

Brazil (principally Nina Rodrigues, and followed by Arthur Ramos and Edison Carneiro) focused their

attention upon these religions, working from the end of the nineteenth century and throughout the

opening decades of the twentieth. Seen variously as ongoing survivals from Africa, a result of the

legacy of Brazilian slavery, vestiges of ÒAfricanÓ culture still surviving in the New World, or as vital

and dynamic contributions to the identity of Brazil, these religions were studied and researched

continuously. This was mainly by Brazilian anthropologists (Gilberto Freyre, Pedro Calvacanti,

Gonalves Fernandes, and Manuel Querino) and also significantly by French (notably Roger Bastide

and Pierre Verger) and American (including work by Melville Herskovits and Ruth Landes)

anthropologists. 1

Existing in diverging forms in different parts of the country, the Afro-Brazilian religions are

by no means uniform, although here the concern is with what is generally referred to as Candombl.

This is characterized by the presence of divinities called Orixs that possess the followers of

Candombl during ceremonies and rituals, such as in initiation. Candombl is loosely divided into

diverging models of practice, described as nations (naes); the predominant ones in modern Brazil

being Nag, Ketu, Jeje, Angola, and Congo. The word Candombl itself can also refer to the house or

temple in which it is practised, more commonly called a terreiro. There exist various names for the

Afro-Brazilian religions, thus what is understood as Candombl in Bahia (and also in other large urban

centres, such as Rio de Janeiro and So Paulo), is known as Xang in Pernambuco, Tambor de Mina in

Maranho and other states of Amazonia, and Batuque in southern Brazil (Pierucci and Prandi, 2000:

633). While these various Afro-Brazilian religions have various configurations, they can also be

considered as variants of a single religion which can be signified collectively as Candombl (Motta,

1998: 53).

Even the denomination of ÒAfro-BrazilianÓ is not without its problems 2 , but it works at least on

a simple level of pointing to the African religious practices from which these Brazilian religions

derive. The complex history behind the formation and development of these religions does not need to

be recounted here (see Bastide, 1978 for a thorough starting point or Matory, 2005). Rather, what I am

concerned with is the question and role (maybe the ÒproblemÓ in de CastroÓs terms) of ÒAfricaÓ within

Candombl. Understood ÒtraditionallyÓ, or ÒhistoricallyÓ, often the problem becomes one of trying to

discover the origins, African or otherwise, of various aspects of Candombl. With some notable

exceptions, much of the anthropology that has stepped beyond this still clings on to an interpretative

model that neglects certain fundamental questions. Marcio Goldman (2005) calls for a Ònew

interpretationÓ of Candombl in order to overcome the dominant understandings of this religion that

have been in existence for more than a century. Very often anthropological interpretations of

Candombl focus on the cosmology, mythology, or sophisticated classificatory systems, that, while

occupying a central role within Candombl, are perhaps best understood as serving a different aspect.

1 For a comprehensive bibliography of important works on the Afro-Brazilian religions, see Reginaldo

PrandiÓs O que voc precisa ler para saber quase tudo sobre as religies afro-brasilerias (2006).

Marcio Goldman (2005) mentions the Òinconveniences and imprecisionsÑ of this term.

Max Bondi

I N V E N T I O N & T R A D I T I O N

Candombl has often found itself subject to criticism relating to notions of authenticity. As an

Afro-American religion, with a history bound up with syncretic processes, the issue of legitimacy is a

central concern due to motivations from all sides as to the imposition of a model of authenticity. There

are, in Brazil, assertions of authentic practice (cf. Dantas, 1988; Matory 2005), from both people

within the terreiros and also from the anthropologists of Candombl (cf. Carneiro 1981; Bastide,

1978), and beyond this there is a motivation from Africa to unite and legitimise the various Afro-

American religions (cf. Abimbola, 1979; 1997), or more specifically the Yoruba-centric model that has

traditionally dominated the interpretations of the Afro-Brazilian religions (Dantas, 1988: Matory, 1999,

2005). Therefore the issue of legitimacy and authenticity is a predominant one within Candombl,

though this can be interpreted in varying ways:

Although Orisha religions offer textbook examples of Òinvented traditionsÓ, tied to

globalization and the emergence of new collective identities, one should not be content

to simply identify them as such. What is required is the careful delineation of the

specific historical processes by which these traditions were both maintained and

reconfigured over time by actors making choices in novel situations.

(Cohen, 2002: 32)

If traditions are seen as inventions then the anthropological search is one for reasons that lie behind

these constructions. Africa is invoked as the source of the ritual tradition of Candombl, but this same

Africa is also placed under suspicion, transformed into a political tool of dubious legitimacy (Capone,

2004; Dantas, 1988). Cohen calls for the delineation of specific historical processes, and this is exactly

the approach of Matory (1999, 2005, 2005b). However, I would suggest that something further than

this is called for - recognition that sometimes these Òhistorical processesÓ do not offer the only possible

means towards understanding the subject. A historically-minded approach to the subject often still

makes use of certain preconceived assumptions, and if the overall interpretation of Candombl is

revised then these same historical processes may begin to take on a revised significance. If we can

move beyond the very question of the construction or invention of Africa within Candombl (whether

we understand this as ÒauthenticÓ or not), then perhaps we can begin to really understand what the role

- and question - of Africa is. 3

F R O M T R A D I T I O N T O H I S T O R Y

The story of the African diaspora is an important one and is, of course, pivotal to the history of

the Afro-Brazilian religions. Interpretations that prioritise this history however, tend to privilege

political motivations, at the expense of an understanding of human action and motivation that operates

on a more fundamental level - a level whereby the primary consideration for the followers of

Candombl is not political, economical, or structural, but instead is operating on a level centred on

practice of ritual. Ritual production which is integral to the structure of Candombl, but moreover

which is the very sphere of action through which the other intellectual systems (mythology,

cosmology, etc) operate. This idea will be developed in more detail in the subsequent section, but here

I wish to see in what context these historically-orientated interpretations are presented.

Paul GilroyÓs The Black Atlantic (1993) rethought the position of the African diaspora,

obviating the need to consider ÒoriginsÓ and ÒhomelandsÓ, and instead replacing the centre of

3 Also see the view put forward by Bruno Latour, who claims the Ðnotion of constructionÈ is usually

associated with social construction and with the vocabulary of criticism. When we say that nature is

ÒconstructedÓ, that God must be ÒproducedÓ, that the person must be ÒfabricatedÓ, it is immediately assumed we

are attacking, undermining, criticizing their supposed solidity. [È] For the others (the former ÒothersÓ),

construction rhymes with production, authentication and qualificationÑ (2002: 40).

Max Bondi

understanding on the geographical space that was crucial to the movement of these people: the

eponymous ocean which he saw as critical to not just past but also present conceptions of what it was

to be Black, or African. This radical re-thinking of diaspora was influential on the anthropologists of

Afro-Brazil, despite Gilroy not focusing on the South American continent. Gilroy was, in the words of

James Clifford, Ðarguing against both modernist linear progressivism and current projections of a

continuous connection with AfricanityÑ (1994: 317) 4 .

J. Lorand Matory (1999, 2005, 2005b) explores the world of Candombl through a historically

minded expos of the cross-Atlantic movements that he sees as being neglected in the story of this

religion. Matory is keen to reclaim a sense of agency for the Afro-Brazilians who, he argues, have too

often been neglected at the expense of the (predominantly white) Europeans, North Americans or

Brazilians, as seen in the exaggerated role given by anthropologists to other anthropologists (cf. Dantas

1988, Motta, 1998). MatoryÓs account of significant historical traders and merchants, and the idea of a

Lagosian Cultural Renaissance (2005: 97, 120) as instrumental in the creation of a Yoruba ethnicity

and hence religious dominance are well argued, researched, and explained. It is not my intention to

argue with his conclusions, but rather to sidestep them.

Matory is attentive to many of the underlying aspects of Candombl that were glossed over by

other anthropologists of the Afro-Brazilian religions. He utilises GilroyÓs suggestion that what are

often thought of as essentially modern world systems (cultural and economic) are in fact much older

and have been playing a central role far longer than is sometimes assumed, and also points out that

Ðboth African culture and the cultural heterogeneity of American slave populations encouraged

ÒadditivityÓ, or the tendency to borrow creatively from numerous cultural traditions rather than to

preserve any particular cultural traditions exclusively or purelyÑ (2005: 13). This idea of the essentially

incorporative aspect of (West) African religious traditions is endorsed by anthropologists on the

African side of the Atlantic (cf. Peel, 1990), and is an aspect of these religions that is sometimes

neglected.

In this approach, Africa is understood in a more sophisticated way than it had been previously

- Africa is not presented as the putatively distant ÒoriginÓ for New World religious practice, but is

regarded as a site of ongoing importance, bound up with complex transatlantic journeys. It is seen as a

site of conflicting and diverging practices and traditions. Yet, I still think that these kind of approaches

to Candombl are not sufficient in regard to the kind of Ònew interpretationÓ of Candombl that has

been called for. Thus MatoryÓs account of the genesis of Yoruba practice and purity focuses on the

actions of influential merchants and traders who brought African products and artefacts across the

Atlantic, and took ideas and ideologies back and forth with them. This undoubtedly happened.

However, does this adequately explain the motivations behind the people who follow Candombl, and

their need, for example, for African herbs, clothes, and other religious paraphernalia? I would suggest

that some of the a priori assumptions about Candombl are in need of re-examination and revaluation.

If this is so, then the question that demands to be asked is, firstly, what kind of interpretation of

Candombl could make sense of the question of Africa, and secondly, what actually is Africa, given

this interpretation?

W O R K I N G , M A K I N G , C R A F T I N G : A N A L T E R N A T I V E P I C T U R E

What if the important aspect of ritual practice for the people that partake Î and create Î in

Candombl is to be found not in mythology, cosmology or, complex classificatory systems, but instead

in the actual work that is, in a literal way, being carried out? I use the word work here very

deliberately, in the sense of craft; an action designed to essentially make something. Mythology is

important, as is mythological knowledge; of secrets, songs, rhythms, and importantly knowledge of

4 Clifford is discussing diaspora in general, and insists Ðon the routing of diaspora discourses in specific

maps/historiesÑ (319). However, while this specificity may be desirable in a historical interpretation of diaspora

itself, I would question whether this model can be used as a means towards an anthropological understanding of

related phenomena, such as Candombl, without a consideration of certain aspects of this religion that are not

understandable solely in terms of political and economic ÒinterestsÓ.

Things of Africa - Rethinking Candomblé in Brazil by Max Bondi (2009).pdf

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