The Moche Lima Beans Recording System Revisited by Tomi S Melka - Folklore v45 2010 pp 89-136.pdf

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THE MOCHE LIMA BEANS RECORDING
SYSTEM, REVISITED
Tomi S. Melka
Abstract : One matter that has raised sufficient uncertainties among scholars
in the study of the Old Moche culture is a system that comprises patterned
Lima beans. The marked beans, plus various associated effigies, appear painted
by and large with a mixture of realism and symbolism on the surface of ceramic
bottles and jugs, with many of them showing an unparalleled artistry in the
great area of the South American subcontinent. A range of accounts has been
offered as to what the real meaning of these items is: starting from a recrea-
tional and/or a gambling game, to a divination scheme, to amulets, to an appli-
cation for determining the length and order of funerary rites, to a device close to
an accountancy and data storage medium, ending up with an ‘ideographic’, or
even a ‘pre-alphabetic’ system.
The investigation brings together structural, iconographic and cultural as-
pects, and indicates that we might be dealing with an original form of mnemo-
technology, contrived to solve the problems of medium and long-distance com-
munication among the once thriving Moche principalities. Likewise, by review-
ing the literature, by searching for new material, and exploring the structure
and combinatory properties of the marked Lima beans, as well as by placing
emphasis on joint scholarly efforts, may enhance the studies.
Key words : ceramic vessels, communicative system, data storage and trans-
mission, fine-line drawings, iconography, ‘messengers’, painted/incised Lima
beans, patterns, pre-Inca Moche culture, ‘ritual runners’, tokens
Como resultado de la falta de testimonios claros ,
todas las explicaciones sobre este asunto parecen in-
útiles ; divierten a la curiosidad sin satisfacer a la
razón .” [Due to a lack of clear evidence, all explana-
tions on this issue would seem useless; they enter-
tain the curiosity without satisfying the reason]
von Hagen (1966: 157).
INTRODUCTION
The Spanish Jesuit missionary José de Acosta (1940 [1590]) quoted by Rafael
Larco Hoyle (1944: 59), Ann P. Rowe & John H. Rowe (1996: 463), and numer-
ous modern authors (Larco Hoyle 1942: 93–94; von Hagen 1966: 157; Donnan
1978: 2; 1992: 11; Zuidema 1991: 151; Bawden 1996: 143; Phipps 1996: 154;
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Tomi S. Melka
Kaulicke Roermann 2000: 45; Salomon 2004: 23; Brokaw 2005: 572; Pillsbury
2005: 9; 1 Bourget 2006: 1), have drawn attention to the fact that no true writ-
ing system, i.e. basically phonetic in content, was found among the pre-Con-
quest ethnic groups dwelling in what corresponds today to the Peruvian state.
The northern coastal valley areas of Perú, witness to the emergence, develop-
ment and fall of the Moche, Lambayeque (Sicán) and Chimú cultures (see von
Hagen 1966: 39; Banks 1980: 8; del Busto Duthurburu 1983: 141; Berezkin
1983: 7; Bawden 1983: 215; Benson 1992: 303–304; Shimada 1994: 1; Donnan
1996: 123, 2005: 128; Cordy-Collins 1996: 223; Moseley 2001: 172; Valle Álvarez
2004: 11; Pillsbury 2005: 11; Kaulicke 2006: 85; Bourget 2006: 4, Castillo But-
ters & Uceda Castillo 2008: 707–708), are geographically part of this defined
territory.
The salvage of a good number of earthenware vessels – mainly shaped in a
distinctive globular form – in the course of archaeological diggings, or as a
result of chaotic looting across sites and acquisitions by different private col-
lectors or museums of the world, has provided scholarship among other things,
with examples of patterned drawings and incisions. Without doubt, undecorated
and plain vessels exist and must have existed (Donnan 1992: 11); however,
since they are short of elements that constitute evidence for our study, they
will be discounted. At first glance, the illustrated vessels of the Moche appear
to have had some artistic function, related to a commemorative and display
function (see Banks 1980: 51). Yet, the fact that they might have been in some
way utilitarian is not entirely ruled out. Under specific circumstances arranged
by elite groups, i.e. feasting and commensal tournaments at ceremonial centers,
they possibly served as containers to hold water or chicha (see, e.g., Donnan &
McClelland 1999: 19; Swenson 2006: 126, 128, 132, 134), a popular beverage
made of maize, somewhat akin to the ancient Greek hydrias (water jars) and
kantharos (drinking pots/cups), or in another instance, to the Græco-Roman
amphorae regularly and mostly filled with wine, olive oil, water, or honey.
Banks (1980: 51) in his turn, plainly dispels claims of similar nature by stating
that “ for ordinary purposes gourds served as drinking vessels ” among the Moche
population. 2 In some of the fine quality pottery found – Larco Hoyle (1942: 95)
gives notice of more than four hundred pieces of ceramics – are shown chro-
matic (see Donnan 1978: 10), human or humanized figures and kidney-shaped
Lima beans, anthropomorphous and not, of different sizes. The reassembling
and the further study of the preserved material give us also an idea that such
rendering was not done for mere ornamental or amusement purposes (see
Larco Hoyle 1942), though a degree of ritualistic function should also be taken
into account. Larco Hoyle (1944: 57; 1966a: 98; 2001 [1938]: 145–169), driven to
some extent by a desire to endow the ancient Peruvians with a graphic code
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The Moche Lima Beans Recording System, Revisited
“… por rudimentaria que fuera …” [however rudimentary it was] (Larco Hoyle
2001 [1938]: 145; see also Ibarra Grasso 1953; Naville 1966: 43–48; de la Jara
1970: 27–35; 1975: 41–71; Barthel 1976: 27–55; Totten 1985: 63–66; Prada
Ramirez 1994; Rowe & Rowe 1996: 463; Arellano 1999; Kaulicke Roermann
2000: 44–47), was the first to suggest “… un sistema ideográfico de escritura …”
[an ideographic writing system] underlying the patterns in question. Since the
Moche developed a complex, formidable civilization over a time-span of nearly
900 years [ ca . 150–100 BC ca . 800–850 AD ], – if one cares to employ the multi-
ple reference sources, the time variation comprises periods between 600 and
800 years – he regarded as natural the fact that they possessed a singular
system which “… reflected and transmitted the human thought ” (1944: 57),
probably by recording economic transactions, lists of commodities and other
key social, religious, military and/or natural acts. Larco Hoyle (1944: 59–60)
approaches the system in a comparative manner while finding “… analogías
valiosas …” […valuable analogies…] between Maya glyphs and the Moche painted
beans, which may be helpful in studying the relations and the origins of the
cultures in the pre-Inca South America. Without denying the significance and
the interest the notion raises by itself, caution is urged at this point, most of
all when two long-ago different communicative systems (graphic and symbolic)
are compared on the basis of external analogies. In addition, Mesoamerican
Maya glyphs have been shown to enclose a strong content of speech (see Coe
1992; Houston et al. 2001), while the combinatorial mechanisms of the Moche
Lima beans’ system are still unknown, and their precise undertones are with
any luck speculated, but not yet established. Eventually, despite antedating
the Spanish discovery of 1492 and succeeding colonization, I should say that
enforcing resemblances in terms of common origin and further similar devel-
opments between Maya glyphs – or other scripts – and the Moche mottled
beans in order to make any compelling case, will not proceed. The stance in
itself is explicable given the aspirations to grant graphic status to groupings of
symbols or imagery that appears incised, engraved, stamped or painted in vari-
ous media, on nationalistic, political, private, or on other grounds. The under-
standing here is that the professional literature at hand is not abundant, hence
without forwarding substantial proof – based on original research – about such
status, the approach may lead authors to a pitfall that needs to be avoided.
The aim of this paper is to review the existing opinions in the field and re-
target the marked Lima beans under the focus of a possible structural ap-
proach, though without dismissing the classical iconographic approach, whose
value has been every so often stressed (see Larco Hoyle 1942; Barthel 1976:
28; 3 Donnan 1978, 1992, 1996; Shimada 1994: 22–27; Castillo Butters 2000:
5–6; Kaulicke 2006: 87; Bourget 2006: 2–64; McClelland & McClelland et al.
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Tomi S. Melka
2007). Likewise, it will be also important to look at the parallel view that
generally, non-alphabetic, and in particular, the mnemonic-oriented or the ac-
countancy systems are not crude doodling or primitive schemes in the evolu-
tionary scale of scripts (see Imbelloni 1942: 216–217; Barthel 1976; Sampson
1985: 28–39, 46–61; Gaur 1987: 25–26; Schmandt-Besserat 1994; Boltz 1994:
22–23; Mignolo 1994: 293–313; Bouissac 1994: 362–365; Brown 1998: 11–28;
Arellano 1999; Arellano Hoffmann & Schmidt 2002: 14; Houston 2004: 282;
Corliss 2005: 159–166; Damerow 2006). They appear to be a characteristic and
resourceful offshoot, unexplored in depth (see Brokaw 2005: 573), and not al-
ways and necessarily related to the next stage of progress in universal scribal
practices. Under this perspective, the research is able to bring to light the
examined system as an efficient “ information exchange system ” (Kulmar 2008),
able to work out administrative and non-administrative problems, within the
framework of a dynamic pre-industrial society as the Old Moche polities were.
CURRENT DATA AND RELATED ISSUES
The extant corpora of the marked and/or incised beans appear mainly on earth-
enware or baked clay containers intended for storage, serving, or funerary
offerings, and in a similar manner in textiles (Larco Hoyle 1942, 1944), in
which Moche artists had reached mastery. For certain, these data have been
retrieved in the course of the years as chance would have it. The painted and
designed pottery is in part a direct and expressive testimony of the life and
history of the Moche, and it has been – at length
or not – commented upon in several sources
through the years (Larco Hoyle 1942: 94; 1944:
60; 1966a: 94–96; Sawyer 1966; von Hagen 1966:
85–91; the Queens Museum Exhibition 1975:
Figure 1 . A Moche stirrup spout bottle with series of
beans displaying different patterns.
The state of preservation and the quality lead us to
believe that the object was intended for offering pur-
poses and not for domestic use. The observation, plausi-
ble as it seems, requires more comprehensive evidence in
order to be confirmed or otherwise falsified, see Berniere’s
(2010) discussion. The photo of the artifact (catalogued
ML002479), is reprinted with the kind permission of
Museo Larco, Lima, Perú, specifically from Arql. Isabel
Collazos Ticona.
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The Moche Lima Beans Recording System, Revisited
2–3; Barthel 1976: 27–28; Donnan 1978: 10; 1992: 11, 4 69; 1996: 126–141; 2005:
127–139; Banks 1980; Berezkin 1983; del Busto Duthurburu 1983: 152–166;
Bawden 1983: 281–283; Stierlin 1984: 98–102; Gaur 1987: 18–19; Benson 1992:
309–314; Shimada 1994: 16–20; Berrin 1997; Stone-Miller 2002 [1995]: 103–
116; Pillsbury 2005: 9, 5 McClelland & McClelland et al. 2007; Kulmar 2008:
137, Bernier 2010). Indeed, upon analysis, the material’s general appearance
is sufficiently clear.
The apparent reniform – kidney-like – and clustered pictographs (cf. Larco
Hoyle 1942: 100), 6 though not geometrically simple, do not offer the intricacy
of other established or unknown scripts where at times there is difficulty in
“… distinguishing noise from meaningful data , particularly when the object is
broken or degraded ” (Hunt & Lundberg et al. 2001). The terms ‘ marked beans ’,
mottled beans ’, ‘ painted beans ’ and ‘ incised beans ’ will be alternated in this
essay. However, they basically point at the same event: Lima beans potentially
used by the Moche around pre-Inca northern coastal Peru as carriers of mean-
ingful information, whose surface was fashioned in a rich variety of patterns.
As for the words ‘ text / s ’, ‘ inscription / s ’, ‘ scribe ’, and ‘ grammar ’, from this point
onwards they will be let alone since they take as fact encoded speech, epigra-
phy and other script-related activities. For lack of a better method, the exami-
nation was made by eye in any available sample of given length. Vase paint-
ings, or better said, the recovered images have been compared to ensure con-
sistency and objectivity in the study, since the drawings are not identical due
to the tridimensional nature of the artifacts, i.e. ceramics, and also due to the
individual or stylistic differences of the authors (see, e.g., Bouissac 1994: 357
on the need of “ a closer examination of the data on the site rather than on
drawings made by a biased researcher …”). Thus, the current analysis refers to
reproduced images or fine-line re-drawings of ceramic pots and bottles, pub-
lished up to now by individuals or institutions, actually all of them eligible
sources (see Imbelloni 1942: 225; Larco Hoyle 1942: 102–103; 2001 [1938]: 147–
149, 151–152, 155–158, 160–161, 164–165; von Hagen 1966: 153, 156, 158; de la
Jara 1970: 33; Donnan 1978: 74–76; 1996: 141; Banks 1980: 27; Berezkin 1983:
13, 82; del Busto Duthurburu 1983: 151–156; Stierlin 1984: 91; Gaur 1987: 19;
Benson 1992: 313; Berrin 1997: 142–144; Shimada 1994: 18; Moseley 2001: 189;
Klauer 2004; Bourget 2006: 36–37; McClelland & McClelland et al. 2007: 76–85,
94, 131, 176; Museo Larco 2010; The Metropolitan Museum of Art 2010). The
importance of the fine-line paintings in studying the Moche culture has been
highlighted by Christopher Donnan (1996: 124) and Michael E. Moseley (2001:
184), “ Because fine-line paintings can portray many figures interacting , they
provide our fullest record of iconographic characters and their behavior .” At
this juncture it should be stated that the accuracy of observations and conclu-
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