Children must choose their own beliefs.pdf

Children must choose their own beliefs

In an open letter to Estelle Morris, Richard Dawkins calls on the Government to think again about

funding yet more divisive faith schools

Article in The Observer Sunday December 30, 2001

Dear Secretary of State,

The Government has decided, reasonably enough, that heredity is no basis for membership of

Parliament, and the hereditary peers are either gone or on their way. Yet, in the very same year,

you propose increasing the number of faith schools. Having disavowed the hereditary principle for

membership of Parliament, you seem hell-bent on promoting the hereditary principle for the

transmission of beliefs and opinions. For that is precise ly what religions are: hereditary beliefs and

opinions. To quote the headline of a fine article in the Guardian last week by the Reverend Don

Cupitt: 'We need to make a clean break with heritage religion and create something better suited to

our own time.'

We vary in our opinions and our tastes, and it is one of our glories. Some of us are left-wing, others

right. Some are pro-euro, others anti-. Some listen to Beethoven, others Armstrong. Some watch

birds, others collect stamps. It is only to be expected that our elders should influence us in all such

matters. All this is normal and praiseworthy.

In particular, it is normal and pleasing that parental impact should be strong. I'm not talking

particularly about genes, but about all the influences that parents inevitably bring. It is to be

expected that cricketing fathers will bowl to their sons - or daughters - on the back lawn, take them

to Lords, and pass on their love of the game. There will be some tendency for ornithologists to have

bird-watching children, bibliophiles book-loving children. Beliefs and tastes, political biases and

hobbies, these will tend, at least statistically, to pass longitudinally down generations, and nobody

would wish it otherwise.

But now we come to religion, and an extremely odd thing happens . Where we might have said,

'knowing his father, I expect young Cowdrey will take up cricket,' we emphatically do not say, 'With

her devout Catholic parents, I expect young Bernadette will take up Catholicism.' Instead we say,

without a moment's hesitation or a qualm of misgiving, 'Bernadette is a Catholic'. We state it as

simple fact even when she is far too young to have developed a theological opinion of her own. In

all other spheres, a good school will encourage her to develop her own tastes and opinions, her

own skills, penchants and values. But when it comes to religion, society meekly makes a clanging

exception. We inexplicably accept that, the day she is born, Bernadette has a label tied around her

neck. This is a Catholic baby.

That is a protestant baby. This is a Hindu baby. That is a Muslim baby. This baby thinks there are

many gods. That baby is adamant that there is only one. But it is preposterous that we do this to

children. They are too young to know what they think. To slap a label on a child at birth - to

announce, in advance, as a matter of hereditary presumption if not determinate certainty, an

infant's opinions on the cosmos and creation, on life and afterlives, on sexual ethics, abortion and

euthanasia - is a form of mental child abuse.

I do not believe it is possible to mount a decent defence against my charge. Yet infant belief-labels

are almost universally accepted. We don't even think about it. Just in case any lingering doubt

remains, consider the following: This child is a Gramscian Marxist. That child is a Trotskyite

Syndicalist. This third child is a Wet Conservative. This baby is a Keynesian. That baby is a

Monetarist. This baby is an ornithologist. Not, 'This baby is likely to become an ornithologist if his

father has anything to do with it.' That would be fine. But, 'this baby is an ornithologist'? Unthinkable,

isn't it? Yet, where religion is concerned, you don't give it a second glance. Oh, and by the way,

nobody, least of all an atheist, ever talks about an 'at heist child'. Rightly so. But why the double

standard?

I presume you need no more convincing. For parents to influence their children's opinions and

beliefs is inevitable and proper. But to tie labels to young children, which in effect presume and

presuppose the success of that parental influence, is wicked and indefensible. But, you may

soothingly say, don't worry, wait till they go to school, it'll be fine. The children will be educated in a

variety of opinions and beliefs, they'll be taught to think for themselves, they'll make up their own

minds. Well, it would have been nice to think so.

But what do we do? We deliberately set up, and massively subsidise, segregated faith schools. As

if it were not enough that we fasten belief-labels on babies at birth, those badges of mental

apartheid are now reinforced and refreshed. In their separate schools, children are separately

taught mutually incompatible beliefs.

'Protestant children' go to the state-subsidised Protestant school. If they are lucky, they won't

actually be taught to hate Catholics, but I wouldn't bank on it, especially in Northern Ireland. The

best we can hope for is that they will come out thinking only that there is something a bit alien or odd

about Catholics. 'Catholic children' go to the Catholic school. Even if they are not taught to hate

Protestants (again, don't bank on it), and even if they don't have to run the gauntlet of hate in the

Ardoyne, we can be sure they won't be taught the same Irish history as the 'Protestant children'

down the street.

Secretary of state, even if I fail to convince you that opening new faith schools is downright insane,

may I at least plead for a consciousness-raising exercise in your own department? Just as feminists

succeeded in making us wince when we hear 'he' where no sex is intended, or 'man' for humanity,

we need to raise our consciousness about the faith-labelling of children.

Please, I beg you, strongly discourage the use, in all ministerial documents and inter -departmental

memos, of phrases that presume theological opinions in children too young to have any. Please

foster a climate in which it becomes impossible to use a phrase like 'Catholic children', 'Protestant

children', 'Jewish children' or 'Muslim children' without wincing . It only costs two words more to say,

for instance, 'children of Muslim parents' or 'children of Jewish parents'.

One of the more frightening aspects of human nature is a tendency to gravitate towards 'Us' and

against 'Them'. Worse, Us versus Them disputes have a natural tendency to reach down the

generations, leading to vendettas of frightening historical tenacity. Where labels are not provided to

feed our natural divisiveness, we manufacture them. Children separate out into gangs, often with

distinguishing labels. In certain districts of Los Angeles, a young person innocently sporting the

wrong brand of trainers is in danger of being shot. Experiments have been done in which children,

with no particular reason to sort themselves into gangs, are provided with, say, green or blue labels.

In short order, enmities spring up between the greens and the blues: fierce loyalties to one's own

colour, vendettas against the other. These can become surprisingly vicious.

That's what happens when you don't even try to segregate children. Now, imagine that you

deliberately stamp a green or a blue label on a child at birth. Send this child to a blue school and

that child to a green school. Encourage green boys to assume that they will grow up to marry green

girls, while blue girls will marry blue boys. Take for granted that, the moment they have a baby of

their own, it too must have the same coloured label tied around its neck. Passed on down the

generations, what is all that a recipe for? Do I need to spell it out?

The very idea of a faith school is as unjustifiable as the idea of a hereditary House of Lords, and for

the same reason. But hereditary peers, though undemocratic and often mildly eccentric, are not

dangerous. Faith schools almost certainly are. There remains the pragmatic argument that,

notwithstanding the knockdown objection to the principle of faith schools, they get good exam

results. Well, maybe. If it is true, by all means let's try to bottle the secret, and share it around. But,

bottled or not, careful analysis fails to uncover any real link with faith. The ingredient in the bottle is

a school ethos, which can take years to grow and which, for reasons having no connection with

religion, has become built up in certain Church of England and Roman Catholic schools. A high

reputation, once built, is self-perpetuating, because ambitious, education-loving parents gravitate

towards it, even to the extent of pretending to be churchgoers .

But in any case, where have we heard something like the pragmatic, 'exam results' argument

before? Yes, in the debate over the hereditary peers. People were fond of saying that, no matter

how undemocratic was the principle of hereditary members of Parliament, they got results. Enough

aristocrats worked hard, some were real experts on fly fishing, or windmills; some were doctors

who had wise things to say about the health service; many were farmers who could hold forth on

foot and mouth or the Common Agricultural Policy; and all of them preserved the decencies of

debate, unlike that rabble in the Commons. Undemocratic they may have been, but they did a good

job.

That argument cut no ice with the Government, and rightly so. If you gather together a bunch of

men of above average wealth and education, raised in book-lined homes for many generations, it is

hardly surprising that some expertise and talent will surface. The pragmatic argument, that

hereditary peers do a good job, is on the slippery slope to 'say what you like about Mussolini, at

least he made the trains run on time'. There are limits beyond which principle should not be

dragged by pragmatism. The Government reached that limit over the hereditary peers. The

pragmatic case in favour of faith schools is similar, but weaker. The principled case against faith

schools is similar, but stronger.

As for what is to be done, of course we don't want to destroy institutions that are working well. The

way to be fair to hitherto unsupported denominations is not to give them their own sectarian schools,

but to remove the faith status of the existing schools (just as the fair way to balance the bishops in

the Lords is not to invite mullahs, monsignors and rabbis to join them, but to throw the existing

bishops out). After everything we've been through this year, to persist with financing segregated

religion in sectarian schools is obstinate madness.

Yours very sincerely,

Richard Dawkins

Charles Simonyi Professor

University of Oxford

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